DO /3S 



TB 



^ w &tm o 



E 



IflSI ' — ^ 



OIF 



8N#- §§¥tEBEIlf s ~»«<gt~ 






x 



THOMAS 

■•a Vale, Peak Hi 



PREFACE. 



'1 



I N the following treatise the author has endeavoured to .she 
the evil effects of parties and combines in Australia. Why 
how they are an evil, and how the evil is to he remedied so 
Australia may become prosperous and happy. 




The Principles of Government, 



CHAPTER I. 

Seeing that there is an almost per- 
petual controversy being carried on 
relative to the Labor Party, as to what 
good or harm it has done, socially or 
politically, since its inception, I will 
give my knowledge, experience and 
opinion regarding the matter, and will 
start with what caused the first Labor 
Union that I know anything about in 
New South Wales, viz., the Shearers' 
Union, about 35 years ago. Grazing 
was a very profitable game in New 
South Wales,' so much so that those 
engaged in it made so much money 
that many of them could well afford t-> 
live away in Sydney, London, or else- 
where, and ha\H managers in full 
charge of their stations, and at that 
time provisions had to be carted a long 
way on teams, so the Managers used 
to get in big supplies for shearing — 
of potatoes, flour, onions, etc. Then 
the farmers (myself among them) used 
to hawk those goods round and supply 
the shearers with better goods or at 
less price than the Manager could 
afford to do without loss. This was 
alright as far as the farmer and 
shearer were concerned, but it did not 
suit the owner nor especially the mana- 
ger, who wcidd have to send in the 
account of his great loss through 
weavils in the fiour, and potatoes, 
onions, and pumpkins all rotten ; then 
to be threatened with the loss of his 
billet if he ever allowed such a loss to 
happen again through his bad mana- 
gement, from the owner. The Mana- 



ger's billet at that time was worth -from 
£800 to £1200 a year, as many hun- 
dreds as a good many of similar billets 
now get tens. So the Managers 
thought the shearers were a bad lot, 
and combined to stop them from again 
having the chance of getttng them 
threatened with the sack, by having 
an agreement drawn out compelling 
the shearers to get all their supplies 
from the station, to get £1 per hun- 
dred if they shore through,, or to be 
paid off at 15s if they went before 
shearing was finished or got sacked, 
and a lot of other one-sided points that 
left the shearers in an unenviable posi- 
tion. I have known the boss over a 
shed to go through 20 shorn sheep and 
raddle 15, and only count out 5 sheep t 
to the shearer before breakfast, and it 
was a common thing to raddle som 
sheep and not count them to the shear "* 
er with bosses, and if he (the shearer) 
objected, he got the sack and was 
fined 25 per cent, of what money was 
coming to him for his impudence. It 
was the custom of the Managers to 
give some friend of theirs the store 
and they could have the profits as their 
pay, and the profits ranged from 50 up 
to 1 50 per cent. I once went to a sta- 
tion where there were 75 shearers with 
flour to sell at 25s per bag and pota- 
toes at 12s per cwt. The station was 
charging the shearers £2 10s per bag 
for flour, and 25s per cwt. for potatoes, 
and all I sold was two bags for the 
boss' table, because the potatoes he 
had to supply the shearers with were a 
grub-eateu bad lot, and mine were 



i 



TEE PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT. 



good. Many of the men who managed 
their own stations did not join this 
union agreement, but all the Managers 
for absent owners that I know did, 
and it suited them and their store- 
keeper nicely while it lasted. But just 
as Managers thought they had the 
shearers properly under, behold the 
shearers united and claimed their own 
rights, and justly so too in my opinion. 
Then as time went on the rousabouts 
joined the Labor Union, and all other 
kinds of hired men formed unions to 
get their rights, and if they kept them- 
selves within the limits of their own 
rights, they would be Justified in doing 
so. But they are not confining them- 
selves to their own rights alone, hut 
are using all the means in their power 
to take the religious, social, and politi- 
cal rights from every section of the 
community, excepting the wages men 
of the present. They are not doing it 
intentionally, but they are doing it in 
liwiiest simplicity through not having 
given due consideration to the princi- 
ple s that underlie the governing 
powers of the world, both' past and 
present. They craved for power. 
They found they got power b*y union. 

ney got a certain amount socially. 

hey wanted more. Tiny found it in 
political union. They then thought to 
themselves, " We have now tin' great 
and only power in the land worth 
having, as we are the greatest number 
and each has a vote, nothing can 
possibly take that power from us if we 
>!•' creed, that shall over-ride any 
other creed or belief, ami that creed 
is majority. All beliefs in truth, 
justice, mercy, equity, toleration, re- 
ligious creeds, »rafts or sects, must 
how to their religion — majority. All 
those beliefs will have the right to re- 
tain their dead formality, hut the live 
action of all must give way to their 
dogmatic creed, that they think is to 
kiep them in power — majority or its 
orders. The only exception to this in 
labor ranks is in their Members of 



Parliament, when in their Caucas 
Meetings majority shall not have the 
right to over-rule their religious or 
fiscal creeds, but what they find neces- 
sary for themselves in their exalted 
position is not necessary for the lower 
classes, so they are not allowed to have 
any conscience. 



CHAPTER II. 

I stated in the previous chapter that 
the live action of truth, justice, mercy, 
equity, toleration "and religious creeds, 
crafts and sects, must how to the order 
of majority in the Labor Union creed, 
and will take the advice of a very wise 
man of the past, who said, " By their 
works ye shall judge them, whether 
they are ' good or evil "; so by their 
actions I will show that in the past 
they had no respect to truth or any of 
the good principles proceeding from it. 

In the year 189 4 they framed an 
agreement to their own satisfaction to 
shear sheep under the price of shear- 
ing rules, to work under price of 
victuals, and everything in the agree- 
ment was their own making. I read 
this agreement, and on the whole it 
was fairly equitable, but there were 
two or three points that I felt inclined 
to object to For peace sake, how- 
ever, I made no objection- to it, but 
put on six good honest shearers and 
they signed it and so did I (the first 
and only agreement I ever signed with 
shearers before or since, as I always 
shore verbally.) They went on shear- 
ing as jolly and contented as need be 
till within Four days of finishing, when 
they heard there was to be a call out. 

So they asked my son, who was 
over the board, how long it would be 
to the finish. 

My son replied four days' work. 

Then their leader said we will finish 
here, as we have a good boss, who is 
satisfied with us and we are satisfied 
with him, before we take notice of any 
order from our Union. 



THE PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT. 



They had no sooner done pledging 
their fidelity to what they conscien- 
tiously believed to be right, than their 
Union Officer rode up and called them 
out, and five out of the six went, and 
said they were sorry to go, but it was 
no use being in the Union if they did 
not obey the orders from head quarters, 
but the one man said all the orders of 
the unions in creation should not make 
a lying, deceiving, dishonest fraud of 
him, so he stayed and is called a black- 
leg and a scab ever since, and my 
opinion this one man was the only 
one that left himself worthy the name 
of a man. For what is a man that 
you can neither believe nor trust, I 
ask, and these men could neither be- 
lieve nor trust themselves, and were 
poor G-od-forsaken simpletons unin- 
tentionally, through not thinking for 
themselves. I allude to all the shear- 
ers who went out in like manner. 

I think that this will show that truth, 
justice and mercy werd to be wholly 
put down without being thought 
worthy of consideration, and for all 
that I know all the religious creeds, 
crafts and sects, at least profess to be 
led by truth and justice. Then all the 
Union men that I have spoken to in 
the matter admit that the call-out was 
a mistake, and can give no reason why 
such an order was given or what good 
was likely to be obtained by it. Still 
they retain the identical men in office 
who gave that foolish order, and it is 
only last year they gave another unjust 
and cruel decree. Under the circum- 
stances, when the drought was at its 
worst, and the settlers felt ruin was 
staring them in the face, the order 
came from the same Officer — that 
Union men should raise the price of 
shearing by 5s per 100, and that all 
the settlers' sons, wives, or daughters 
| should be compelled to pay and join 
their Union before a Union man was 
permitted to work on the place. If the 
son or daughter did anything in the 
way of cooking, or in any way assist- 



ing the shearing ; and they also had 
the right to demand that all who 
worked on the place should receive 
Union rate of wages, irrespective of 
whether the settler had the money to 
pay it or not, or that it was their regu- 
lar home or not. All those inconsis- 
tent rules have cut off the most of the 
Labor Unions' old allies — the farmers. 
The Union has created a standard wage 
which is demoralising our youths. 
Every honest youth has an ambition to 
excel in whatever he takes in hand, 
and for that purpose will be Mindving 
and working when the lazy youth is 
sleeping or in mischief. Then after 
the good boy, subsequent to years of 
study and labor, has made himself 
efficient so that he is worth two or 
three lazy louts, he is told the Union 
objects to him getting any extra pay 
over what the lazv lout gets, and fur- 
ther, objects to any employer discharg- 
the useless man. They are gradually 
creating a mistrust among all thinking 
classes in every move they take. They 
are also creating hitter enemies of 
working men in their own ranks bv 
their cruel, relentless, intolerant ac- 
tions towards the men who dared to 
think for themselves, and refuse toj 
obey the Union's orders. The ma: J 
who dares to refuse ohedipoee once, i - 
for ever afterwards a cast-out among 
them, and would not be allowed to work 
for an honest living if they had power 
to prevent him, their little minds 
thinking he has committed an unpar- 
donable sin. I say little minds, be- 
cause not one man in their ranks 
has yet shown that he knows the poli- 
tical power is alone to be retained hy 
the love and trust of the people. They 
are forfeiting their power by building 
on a false foundation, and gradually 
but surely, losing their power by their 
folly. For although the political 
power is great, and so is the power of 
majority, yet they are both only the 
the servants of greater powers, and not 
master powers in a governing sense, 



THE PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT. 



but are the servants of truth or false- 
hood as the case may be. If the 
majority have a truthful knowledge of 
what they want it is a good power. If 
the majority have a false knowledge 
of what they want it is a bad power ; 
and the same with the governing- 
power of the Labor Union, it is only 
when truth governs in everything that 
it is good. 

You may ask me what is truth, and 
I must say I do not know, as it is too 
great for nm. It goes beyond my hen. 
You will ask me if I always use truth. 
I must say no ! I have always used 
the truth' when I thought it suited 
best, but I always had a great desire 
to be truthful, but was too much of a 
coward in many instances, and it al- 
ways made me uncomfortable when I 
told a He, as T started in early youth 
to find out some place or sect <>v bro- 
therhood where they were hotter than 
myself, but, all that I found only us d 
the truth when it suited so I left one 
after another till I belong to nothing 
ly to British political power, winch 
found taught the truth, or the near- 
t to it. It gives a magisMate all 
sonnbla power to find the truth, 
lthen he is bound by oath to deal 
tly and impartially without fear, 
or or leaning, and to do right to all 
kinds of men. I said I could not tell 
you what truth is, neither can I wholly, 
but I can tell you a lot about it, and 
more than you know if you have not 
studied it as I have, so here goes : 
Truth is the only word that qualifies 
itself and defines itself 'as far as the 
human mind can see, simply because 
it has no extremes, and consequently 
is good in itself. Everything else 
wants qualifying, as they are good if 
properly qualified, but bad if not pro- 
perly qualified. It is the only thing 
that is impregnable to human influence. 
It produces confidence, hope, love, 
courage, happiness, wisdom, virtue, 
morality, and everything that is good, 
and is the produce of nature, and is 



nature as far as man can say. False- 
hood, on the other hand, produces 
mistrust, despondency, hate, cowardice, 
misery, ignorance, and everything that 
is bad, down to insanity, when all 
knowledge of truth is lost, and you do 
not know the truth of your own exis- 
tence, and it is the produce of man. 

CHAPTER III. 
I am not wishing to condemn the 
Labor Party — far from it. My sym- 
pathy is and has always been with 
them, but when they take upon them- 
selves the most sacred power — the 
power that can protect man's life and 
liberty, or it can take them from him, 
and found it on any thing else but 
truth, are surely bringing upon them- 
selves their own ruin. It is of late 
years that the laborers had any say in 
their governing power, and now that 
they have it they are running danger- *•■ 
ously close to doing away with all 
their political power, and in their 
simplicity are trusting and depending 
on the same thing that made depen- 
dent slaves of all workers for thousands 
of years in the past, without one vest- 
ige of political rights. The most rash 
act the Labor Party have dared to try 
was what they falsely called the Rail- 
way Strike, and in their simplicity 
thought that a few thousand of them, 
who were in well paid, responsible 
Government billets, could overthrow 
the governing power, and take it to 
themselves. They thought it was a 
simple matter as they held a position 
by which they could easily starve the 
remaining million Victorians into sub- 
mission, but fortunately for the Aus- 
tralian laborers, they had a wise friend 
in Mr. Irvine who kindly and quietly 
coaxed them into their senses. Had 
he been a foolish rash man he would 
have used all the force in his power, 
and then in all probability it would 
have drifted into a civil war, when the 
people would have been forced to take 
one side or the ether, and the question 



TEE PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT. 



would be — are you in favor of the old 
stable form of Government, founded 
on truth, justice, equity, mercy and 
toleration to all people, or are you in 
favor of the the new unstable form of 
Government founded on majority and 
intolerance ? I feel sure the laborers 
would have found themselves in the 
minority. But allowing they had a 
majority, and caused a heavy tight, 
then Britain is our guarantee for the 
payment of the railway debt, and 
would come and either make a crown 
colony of us or force us to disenfran- 
chise all hired men, and if it were, as 
a great number of the laborers would 
like to see us free from Britain, in all 
probability we would, under majority 
rule, drift into civil war, and in our 
trouble would make one man boss over 
both sides, and as soon as it could be 
wired to every civil servant in the land 
that they were no longer the servant 
of the people, but servants of that boss, 
then as soon as they had time to think 
you would regret having worked so 
hard to make so many civil servants, 
who were now the enemies against 
people ever getting the governing 
power into their hands again, for it is 
only natural that servants of an un- 
limited boss would try to pleas ■ him 
for their own safety, and we couldn't 
expect to get their assistance in regain- 
ing some of our foolishly lost political 
power. Then we would trace back 
history to see how it was gained in the 
past, and we would find that majority 
made Saul a King, and you could trace 
through all the governing from him 
for thousands of years down to Britain 
before you would see any trace of a 
working man having any political 
power, and here we are now one small 
branch of that great and wonderful 
tree of liberty in Australia. If we 
trace back British history we will find 
the name of the many wise and coura- 
geous men who suffered and died in 
gaining, bit by bit, the perfect liberty 
,hat we now possess. Say we want 



Socialism ! If Socialism means that 
all men shall have an equal right in 
making the laws that they are governed 
by, wo have it in Australia. If we 'rant 
communism, and communism means 
that all the community shall have an 
equal right in making the laws that 
thin- are governed by, we have it under 
Britain. All Britain asks and demands 
is that you shall be truthful, just and 
merciful, and deal justly and imparti- 
ally — without fear, favor or leaning, 
am! to do right to all kinds of men (it 
is the Inst civ.mI .invented). It is said 
that great injustices are done under 
British rule, and truly so, for men are 
n it infallible hut that creed is? The 
Bsitish thinking men have done all 
that individual men can do to make 
that creed effective. They have con- 
stituted coin's of justice and put men 
over them who are the [tick of the 
world — .sworn to administer the laws 
under that creed, and where man made 
laws fail to deal m nth full v they have 
the Courts of Equity that have the 
power to over-ride any law that should 
fail to administer truthfully, so that 
shall be brought in accordance w 
that creed. Here we have our ma< 
trates who are sworn to administer 
that creed, and I have no doubt 
many of them are favoring frauds, hu 
any man who has intelligence enough 
to bring truthful proof against any 
magistrate that he is wilfully favoring 
or fraudi ng, any man can get that 
official dismissed from the Bench. 
What more can Britain do ? The rest 
remains with the people themselves to 
think ! think ! think on, and keep on 
honestly thinking, and you will be 
forced into the belief that Britain's 
creed is the purest and best creed in 
the world. But how are you to en- 
lighten or make any good use of men 
who cannot or will not think. I have 
no doubt that those men who struck 
against what Mr. Bent said he was 
going to order, thought they wer* ' 
doing right for themselves and their 



THE PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT. 



fellow-creatures. They did not see 
that both Mr. Bent and themselves 
were servants of the governing power 
with equal rights to the laws of the 
land, and if Mr. Bent gave illegal 
•orders they had their legal redress, 
which they did not use, but claimed 
that they had a right to be free from 
all discipline when in the public ser- 
vice. Just think what our laws would 
be if a Telegraph Master had the 
liberty to tell everybody what he knew 
by wire, or a Policeman nad the 
liberty to let go or favor criminals, or 
a magistrate a right to condemn or 
acquit a man without hearing the evi- 
dence, or a soldier to claim the liberty 
to refuse to obey orders. All those 
men are under a heavy liability to be 
true to their trust, and why should the 
public railway servants hoid any 
favored position in comparison with 
an}- other public servant to refuse to 
obey his superior officer's orders. If 
the discipline is too severe they have 
more than equal rights to other public 
servants on account of their extra 
numbers at election time, to put them 
, into Parliament to make laws to lessen 
kthe severity of the discipline, or to get 
^Leir superior officer discharged it he 
HT'i.s unjust orders, and I think that 
Kny should be satisfied with that. 

CHAPTER IV. 
I. Lave had experience in the State 
when a general useful man would 
work on stations at £15 a year, and I 
have known squatters to have a run 
and GOO or 700 head of cattle, and then 
have to go a long journey to borrow 
£10 off a friend to pay the license for 
his run, as money was so scarce, but 
there was no scarcity of victuals, every- 
body had plenty whether they worked 
or not, and there was no poverty in 
the land. And I have known the 
■State, after the diggings, when a man 
with six or eight working bullocks or 
four draught horses could lease 20 or 



30 acres of land at £1 per acre per 
annum, and clear £500 or £700 a year 
out of it, and money was plentiful and 
no poverty — work or no work, but the 
present is the only time I have known 
real poverty in the land in both city, 
town, and country. In Sydney I 
counted 32 men lying on the grass 
under the trees in Hyde Park, between 
9 and 10 o'clock in the morning, as I 
parsed on the tram, where they had 
been forced to camp for the want of 
house or home, and as I heard their 
only way cf getting a meal was in 
charity soup kitchens, or beg it off the 
charitably disposed individuals, and I 
was pressed every hour in the day by 
men and even women to give them a 
meal or the price of it. To my own 
home men and even women are travel- 
ling round begging work or victuals. 
Some of the men told me that they * 
had travelled 300 and 400 miles and/ 
only got two or three days' work, and 
some found no work, and only now and 
again got a good meal, and then they 
would he for a week at a time with 
only a hit of bread and tea that they 
begged by the way. Some have beg- 
ged of me to put them on at any price, 
if it were for only victuals and money 
enough to get a, hit of tobacco with, 
but 1 only had to say no. All I can 
do is to give you a bit of tucker. If I 
dared to put you on as you wish, me to 
do I would be called n sweater, and 
besides I cannot trust many men now. 
as the Labor Union has produced such 
a. mistrust between employers and em- 
ployed. If I put you on as you desire 
you would be forced to pull me for 
full wages, and I would have to pay 
you, or you would he called a black 
and no union man would work on the 
same place with you, and I cannot 
afford to put you to work now. 

Vy opinion of what the Labor 
Union has drifted into now is nothing 
but an extreme fad, and all extr< 
are evil without one exception. They 
have started at the wrong end of the 



1 



THE PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT. 



II 



wages-raising business. In place of 
first assisting the source of employ- 
ment from which wages are derived, 
they are using all the means in their 
power to block that source. Where 
there is an industry that is barely 
paying, and the men employed are 
not getting full standard wages, they 
demand that full wages must be paid, 
and consequently stop I lie industry 
and the men are unemployed and 
thrown on the labor market. Say, for 
instance, a mine that lias 100 men 
employed at £2 per week, and the 
mine is only just clearing itself, they 
demand that that mine must pay 
£2 10s pei' week or shut down. Any 
sensible idea, suclTas having a maxi- 
mum wage £-'3 per week, and a mini- 
mum of £2, and compelling tin- £3 
men to share with the £2 men, so that 
the industry should not be stopped has 
never crossed their minds, but they 
appear to think that the Governufent 
have an artesian Wore that will throw 
up all the sovereigns they want every 
time they turn the tap, and conse- 
quently they Mill compel all the idle 
men that they create to go to the Gov- 
ernment and they will then compel the 
Government to give them high wages 
and little work — " For we are the poli- 
tical power of the land. We gain 
our power at the ballot box, as we are 
not like the farmers and lots of others 
who find employment for themselves 
and others, and have to go begging 
for all they want from Parliament. 
We demand, we don't beg, besides 
they don't know what party in the 
House is best to go begging from. 
We do, for we have a little party there 
that frightens all other parties, such as 
Freetraders, Protectionists, Ministerial- 
ists, Oppositionists, Local Optionists, 
Country Party, City Party, Money 
Party, Commercial Party, Legal Party, 
&c. ;" and the Labor Party is ruling 
all those parties at the present. It is 
this party feeling among' the people 
that is degrading our Parliament. 



The people are Anti-British and selfish 
enough to create parties to over-ride 
justice and create favor for their own 
little fads, and it would he a sad time 
for Australia if any party yet formed, 
ruled wholly. The little Labor Party 
of 25 men rule 100 men in the 1 Louse, 
because they are a compact hod *, who 
honestly gained their position at the 
ballot box, claiming but one principle, 
and that was to raise the wages and 
position of hired men. The 100 men 
go into the House from the ballot box 
as one party, claiming to do right to 
all the people, and then split them- 
selves up into small parties each claim- 
ing a privileged and favoured right 
ov-r all other parties, and while this 
self-made lot of parties are fighting 
away among themselves as to which 
little party is to get the privileged 
position, the little Labor Party bobs 
up and knocks all the other parties 
into confusion, and the people of the 
State get nothtug excepting a debt 
that they will have to pay/ Yet the 
only party that have gained in the 
country by the Labor" Party is the 
Legal Partv. They are great in creat- 
ing Fresh courts to employ the Ia-wyi 
with, and mv opinion is that things 
will get no better until the silly b 
ness of trying to founa a gover nig 
power on majority rule alone is 
away with. 

Carlisle says : "Britain is composed 
of about 30,000 000 of people, mainly 
fools," and I. have not heard of any 
thinking man daring to contradict 
him. Yet Britain contains the deepest 
thinking men in the world — none to 
equal them in thought. It was Britain 
that set the foundation of American 
laws, and the foundation was : Free- 
dom of conscience and all honest 
industries to be fully and equally 
represented in their laws. Then 
majority would make what laws they 
liked, excepting laws to over-ride their 
principles ; and I ask could America 
dare to-day to do away with that 



TEE PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT 



British inheritance and not start into 
decay as a nation. .Just imagine what 
consternation there would be if the 
people in America found out that the) 7 
were bound to think what their rulers 
told them to think, and that no other 
thoughts would be tolerated, and that 
honest industries would no longer be 
protected. Here in Australia the 
laborers say that the Court of Equity 
is, as it were, stowed away on a high 
shelf out of the reach of common peo- 
ple, but remember the common people 
of Britain made a House of Parliament 
for themselves, and called it the House 
of Commons, and it has ruled Britain 
for generations and ruled it well, and 
if the common people of Australia 
want the Court of Equity brought 
within I heir reach, all they have to do 
is to ask for it and they will get it. 
rAsl< to have truth, justice, < quity, 
mercy, and toleration painted up as a 
signboard at every Court House in 
Australia and demand that they shall 
he the law of our land, which shall 
( ver-rjde any and all laws invented by 
ajoriiv, minority, or any other inven- 
md then you would have the 
urt of Equity broughc within the 
nf the common people of Aus- 
and it would he past judges 
vmg to say this man justly has a 
ht to the verdict, but the law de- 
mands that I shall give the verdict to 
the wrong man. 



PHAPTER V. 

Tin- fair play and no favor principle 

of governing power that Britain and 

her de] endencies now possess, is just 

what the common people of the children 

of Israel longed and craved for, and 

aeven sent their chosen ten men to plead 

»vith the King, requesting him to do 

■iway with the oppression that they 

Buffered and to be dealt fairly with. 

■mis was only a just and reasonable 

pPeouest, but it was not granted. I 

^ must Loll my readers who have not 

read or thought lot themselves, that 



about one-sixth of the children of 
Israel owned all the privileged and 
favored positions, or in other words, all 
the religious and political rights and 
liberties of the whole twelve tribes. 
The two tribes that held the whole of 
the favored positions were the tribes of 
Judah and Levi. All the Kings were 
of Judah's produce, and all the Priests 
of Levi's produce, and although the 
Kings of those two had ruled ■ Israel 
for many generations, it was only the 
one generation before Rehoboam — the 
King — that the King and Priest had 
sworn to back each other up in a corn- 
bin e union clique or whatever you like 
to call it, so that the ten tribes of 
commoners who had no say in political 
or religious matters, and who had no 
light to think only what their 
superiors told them to think — just 
what the Boer Priests are agitating 
for at the present time — one govern- 
ment one religion. Those two — King 
and Priest — had more respect for their 
own selfish, privileged and favored 
position than they had for the beauti- 
ful and wonderful law of nature, or 
GrOd, as you chose to call it, that pro- 
duces everything different — no two 
things alike in all nature's production 
in mind or matter. They had no 
r 'Spect for this truth, and consequently 
swore to back each other up, let it be 
right or wrong, true or false. It was 
in the days of this combine that the 
oppression originated with the common 
people of the children of Israel, and it 
is reasonable to think that this wicked 
combine was still maintained to the 
days of Rehoboam, consequently it was 
no use for the commoners to appeal to 
their Priest to be dealt truly with. 
The King had denied them that liberty. 
Christ was the friend of the common 
people and the enemy of all Priests or 
rulers, and all people who in any way 
hindered the extension of truth and 
justice to the common people. He 
lived truthfully, preached truth, and 
died upholding truth rather than live 



L 



\ 



THE PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT. 



and be untruthful, for no doubt if he 
had bemeaned himself by admitting to 
the High Priests that they had a right 
to claim a privileged and favored posi- 
tion to over ride truth lie could have 
lived his full time, but he would not 
admit it, so they killed him. So what 
the common people of the children of 
Israel longed, craved and petitioned 
their King for and could not get, 
Christ died for and could not get it. 
Britain has got it in their fair play and 
no favor governing power founded on 
truth, with our monarch, whose whole 
business defined as protection of the 
truth among all kinds of men and peo- 
ple whatever may be their creed, craft, 
brotherhood or combine, it matters not 
to him, lie is as much dependent on 
the shoe black in (he street as he is on 
the millionaire, and lias been placed in 
that position by the common people of 
Britain, and then it is the most honor- 
able and the most elevated position 
tha* it is possible to put a human 
being in as being protector of the 
principles of all good principles from 
which all that is of any good to 
humanity is derived, yet it is not a 
favored or privileged position, but far 
from it. It is the most responsible 
position on earth. The people's pro- 
mise to him is — you must protect the 
truth without fear, favor or leaning, 
and if you do that we will faithfully 
serve you as a betfy and keep you in a 
position shove having to seek favor 
from any man or body of men. But 
on the other hand, if you should 
become pompous or vain enough to 
think yourself in such a privileged 
position that you have the right to 
entorce laws to favor one party under 
your ruling power to defraud another 
party of their rights, and dare to do 
so, then we (the people) will serve 
you the same as we served King 
Charles, or the same as we would have 
served King John, had he refused to 
sign the Magna Charia. This is how 
our monarch stands. We must have 



a head, and the King is the 
the purest and best form of 
ment it is possible to inver 
where is the man or woman 
truthfully say they have been 
robbed of. money or liberty 
King- or his Mother. There is| 
Our King rules by the po^ 
stan. Is above all our little fads 
bines, such as Freetrade, Protl 
Majority Rule, Sectarianism, &l 
they are all like fire and water, 
good servants, but bad masters 
in their use, but bad in their abi 
good in moderation, bad in exli 
But truth stands alone as a gi 
master above them all. There is 
possibility of getting extreme trutt 
What our King could do if Australif 
New Zealand and Canada petitioned ] 
the King to have all people under his 
rule to have equal voting power in his 
governing. He could say no, you 
don't know what you are asking for, 
as I have five black fellows under me 
to one white, and if I granted your 
request I would put you all, as well as 
myself, under the rule of the black 
races, or the King can give liberty to 
any individual who may be enslaved j 
by the stupngejt combine under 
kingdom, for there is no power undei 
the sun gives equal liberty to its peo- 
ple the same as Britain does, but no ' 
license to take any persons liberty 
from him. Our King is freed from * 
temptation to favor which a President mk 
of a Republic is not, as he is tempted 
to favor the friends who worked and 
voted him to power, and to oppose 
them who opposed him, for it is human 
to favor your friends. Under Britain 
you may belong to any party or creed 
you think fit, and persuade others as 
much as you like to join your party, 
but you are not allowed to use force to 
take any man's liberty of action or 
insult him. There are thousands of 
foolish parties formed by fads and 
fashions of the people, all tolerated by 
Britain as instructor's of the people, so 



k 

i 



THE PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT. 



^v 



}y may gain wisdom by exper- 
'or by other's faults wise men 
their own, Solomon said. I 
elude now with a few remarks 
fad or a fashion that is creat- 
at party, and they intend to 
out what they call the nation - 
of everything, and every per- 
be turned into Civil Servants 
'jority is to rule the lot. Now 
w I take of this is that every- 
but money has been nationalised 
e time under Britain. There has 
been anything sold out of the 
s power of governing it in a 
stitutional manner. The people 
ve the right and power to tax land 
mines up to their full producing 
ower, or compel them to employ as 
nanv men as they wish, or resume 
my land or mine or anything else, or 
do whatever they like with anything. 
But they seem to think there is a great 
difference between a tax and a rent, 
when in reality there is none, s<> 
there is nothing to gain in this point, 
and forcing everyone to be Civil Ser- 
vants will take a lot of liberty from 
them, it will rob them of all honest 
mbition and competition, which is 
attire's incentive to action^ and also 
>b them of their individuality of 
character, and produce . a sickening 
monotonous life to our people which 
will be degrading, both mentally and 
physically, if they gain it, but I feel 
ure that our people will think it out 
n time to preveut such a calamity. 



CHAPTER VI. 
To-morrow (the 16th December, 
1903) I am going to u;ive my vote for 
members to represent New South 
"Wales in our Senate, and I feel saa 
because I have to vote for parties in 
the place of men, for patriotic men 
with sufficient understanding to see 
beyond party tyranny is absent. I am 
also to say yes or no to a Referendum, 
as to whether we will keep 125 mem- 
bers or reduce them to 90 in the State 



Parliament. This is another unsatis- J 
factory question, as the cities are all 
incorporated, and the corporation at 
least manages three-quarters of all 
public matters that our members have 
to attend to, while the country, on the 
other hand, have neither Local Gov- 
ernment or Incorporation, and as a 
Member of the City constituents could 
take one shilling in his pocket and 
address all his constituents on a quarter 
of the amount of business that the 
country member has to attend to, 
and pay all his tram-fares, and he 
could speak to all the people who 
wished to hear him, while on the other 
hand, the country member in the con- 
stituency that I live in would have to 
take at least £20 or £25 to pay his 
fare to visit all the most important 
centres in his electorate, and then he 
would not speak to above half of those *,_ 
who wished to hear him, and I, as one, 
am called upon to say that I wish the 
country to he less represented than it is 
at present, or vote for the 125 being 
retained. When in reality the Refer- 
endum that I would go with joy to 
say yes to on three points: 1st. Are , 
you in favor of doing away with all 
Parliaments in Australia except one? 
Yes. 2nd. Are you in favor of doing 
away with all Courts in Australia 
except one? Yes. 3rd. Are you in 
favor of having a. Conspiration Act 
passed to make it criminal for two or 
more persons to unite and take any 
person's rights or liberties from him ? 
Yhs. In the first place Britain can 
legislate for 30 or 40 millions vith one 
House of Uommons, besides they settle 
all weighty matters for several hun- 
dreds of millions of people, and 
why can't we legislate for four mil- 
lions with one House of Commons. 
In the second place Britain has but 
one Common Court. Why can't we 
do with one Common Court ? I my- 
self without cause or provocation, am 
outlawed out of one of our Party 
Courts, as I am not belonging to a 



\ 



TEE PRINCIPLES OF GOVERNMENT. 



registered party I have no right to the 
Arbitration Court, so the registered 
parties might do as they like with me 
as far as that party court is concerned, 
but I am an Englishman and I am 
proud of it, for as such I can claim 
justice independent of all Australian 
party courts, and my- opinion of all 
the courts, excepting the common 
courts of justice are the produce of 
weak or diseased brains, and in the 
third case, if all people had the right 
and liberty to combine to insist on 
their party to have full justice in 



every respect, it would be quite njg 
but, should they, after proving 
experience the power of combinati 
use that power to infringe on 
rights of their opponents or oth' 
It is nothing but justice thatjt 
Bhould be treated in the same \ 
that we treat combines of burgh 
robbers or any other class of tliie\ 
and it would be a strong preventaf 
against unions going beyond 
own just rights and infringi, 
other people's rights, if doing t 
treated as a criminal offence. 






1 

I 



Printed at the Peak Hill Express Office. 







1 IBRARY OF CONGRESS 

IHHHH 

019 965 873 



DO 155 



LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



019 965 873 6 # 



Hollinger Corp. 
pH8.5 



